Don't let Saxena die

Second part of Khun Thanong's report, published on The Nation, November 3, 2009.

Deliberate leak of bank documents triggered BBC and Thai economy's collapse but will financier spill the beans on dodgy deals in '96? 

In his second part of the series on the Bangkok Bank of Commerce scandal, Thanong Khanthong asks who ordered the closure of the bank in 1996 that triggered off the 1997 financial crisis.

In his fight against being extradited from Canada over the past 13 years, Rakesh argued that if he were to be sent back to Bangkok, his life could be at risk. He also said prison conditions in Thailand were horrible - compared, of course, to his luxury home where he was stuck under house arrest in Vancouver.

Indeed Rakesh Saxena's life may be in danger. But Korbsak Sabhavasu, the deputy prime minister, wrote in his web blog that Rakesh could not die as that would throw the political mess out of control.

Saxena lost the dramatic extradition case when the Supreme Court of Canada rejected any further appeal and sent him back to Bangkok last Friday. It gave no reason for rejecting his appeal.

However, Saxena has a full list of the politicians involved in the Bangkok Bank of Commerce scandal in 1996. Before leaving Vancouver, he issued a threat that he would tell all. Krirkkiat Jalichandra, the former president of BBC, also kept all documents to him?self.

If Saxena were to strike a pre-trial bargain plea with the Abhisit government by implicating politicians benefiting from BBC, he could compromise his safety in spite of the authorities' full assurance to protect him.

Saxena is now detained under 24-hour surveillance in the Bangkok Remand Prison hospital. His food is carefully screened. The Abhisit government has a full obligation to provide full and fair justice within the law to Saxena because it has won the extradition case. If the Saxena case is not handled with due process, chances are Thailand would have a difficult time winning extradition cases with other countries in the future.

Justice Minister Phiraphand Salirathawiphak said yesterday he had instructed the director general of the Corrections Department and the head of the Bangkok Remand Prison to look after Saxena, whose health is fragile. Saxena, 57, suffered minor paralysis on his left side after a stroke in March.

"I would like to stress that Rakesh is not receiving any privileges more than other inmates," Phiraphand said. "Since he is sick, he needs to be looked after. We have the same standard practice as applied to other inmates. Now Rakesh is being held in the hospital within the compound of the prison, with a surrounding wall and tight security. He is not getting any privileges."

The Democrat government has a lot of incentives to provide top security and safety to Saxena, because he could provide a link to politicians involved in the BBC scandal. Many of them are in the coalition government. Having Saxena in their control could help the Democrats hold their coalition partners in check. The Democrats want the coalition to survive till at least June 2010.

The politicians who benefited from the BBC are now not having a good night's sleep. They definitely do not want Saxena to open his mouth.

The man at the centre of the BBC affair was Ekachai Athikomnantha, then the bank's senior executive vice president.

He was politically connected to Sanan Kachornprasat, then the Democrat whip, and the PM Banharn Silapa-archa. Through Sanan, Saxena was introduced to the bank as Saxena impressed Sanan and others with his financial prowess. He practiced swaps, futures and options well before Thai bankers knew about these strange financial products. Thai financial laws did not cover these products, which allowed Saxena to test the law to the limit.

Although he was centrally involved in BBC, the name Ekachai quickly disappeared from public view after the bank collapsed. Sanan also quickly stepped out of the shadow of BBC before the financial scandal broke out.

Banking authorities sent Krirkkiat Jalichandra to be BBC president and rescue the bank. BBC was in big trouble with huge bad loans on its books. But the task of salvaging the bank was formidable. When Saxena came aboard as the bank's financial adviser, it was agreed the bank would shift away from normal practice to high finance - to try to strike gold on the stock market. If the bank could make quick profits, it would be able to clear all its bad debts in a swoop.

Saxena's unique position as financial adviser within BBC would not have been possible without strong political backup.

BBC tested the first drama script with a takeover bid from Song Watcharasriroj, alias Sia Song. More takeovers and acrobatic financial dealings would follow while money from the bank was drained overseas, first through Lebuan and the British Virgins Island and other financial centres of the globe. At the same time, the politicians, who tolerated this practice, got benefits from a series of questionable loans.

But this high finance ran against the tide. The stock market slumped by 40 per cent in 1996, as the real estate bubble was set to go bust. If the stock market was rally, Krirkkiat and Saxena would have emerged as heroes.

Vijit Supinit, then governor of the Bank of Thailand, kept the bank under his radar. He wanted a soft approach. The financial supervisors had asked him to take harsh action against BBC, but Vijit sat on it. He was doing everything to save BBC through a bail-out. He brought in the Financial Institutions and Development Fund and the Government Savings Bank to rescue BBC with a Bt60 billion capital increase. But it was too little.

Vijit had a good relationship with Krirkkiat. Vijit realised that closing down BBC would bring about a run of the financial system. But the politicians were all over his head.

At the time, the economy was severely overheated. The current account deficit hit 8 per cent of gross domestic product. The inflow from the Bangkok International Banking Fund (BIBF) made things worse as cheap money from offshore moved here enjoy the interest rate differential.

Later on, many questioned the sustainability of the Bank of Thailand's fixed exchange rate regime. The situation was aggravated by political conflict between Banharn Silapa-archa, the PM, and the Group of 16, who were trying to consolidate their own power. They included Suchart Tancharoen, Newin Chidchob, Varathep Ratanakorn, Sora-at Klinpathum, Thanee Yisarn, Wittaya and Sonthaya Khunplume. Their political ambition was boundless.

Suchart Tancharoen was deputy Interior minister in control of the police, while Newin Chidchob was deputy finance minister.

A minister belonging to the government leaked confidential bank documents to Suthep Thaugsuban, in the Democrat Party, then in opposition. The ulterior motive was to destroy the Group of 16. If anything were to happen to the bank, BBC could be shut down.

Suthep took the bait. Based on the documents, he launched a no-confidence debate in Parliament on May 9, 1996, and exposed how the Group of 16 benefited from a loan scandal at the bank. The world was shocked. Many Thais rushed to withdraw deposits from the bank.

On an order from Prime Minister Banharn, Surakiart Sathirathai told Vijit to close the bank. The implications were: 1/ The Group of 16 would be destroyed; 2/ The bank scandal would be covered up; 3/ blame could be shifted to Krirkkiat, Saxena, Vijit, and Surakiart.

Taxpayers had to foot initial losses at BBC of Bt200 billion. But the implications were much larger. The scandal triggered a loss confidence in the Thai financial system and the baht exchange rate, which subsequently turned into a loss of Bt4 trillion for Thailand as the economy collapsed like a house of cards in 1997-1998.

I like charts: the new Assembly

OK, a bit late, but I really like charts.




I'm just not so happy that there's such a large portion of military men named there: 35 in their own category plus the hidden numbers in retired category, oh, and there's the other uniform, the police. Maybe I would like more of ngos, and free agents?

Names to remember: "Octoberists"

Names I need to remember, interestingly provided by The Nation's OCTOBERISTS' - 33 YEARS ON
A divided political ideology

Thirayuth Boonmi, his name I can remember, in fact I got an MA from ISS where he went for a fellowship after he came out of the jungle.

According to the article quoting Dr Kasian Tejapira, now Thammasat University's professor of political science., Thirayuth leads this camp:
Pibhob Thongchai, Prasarn Marukapitak, Chermsak Pinthong, Chaiwat Surawichai, Kaewsan Atibhodhi, Kamnoon Sithisamarn, Chatcharin Chaiwat, Tienchai Wongchaisuwan and Suwinai Poranawilai.

Octoberists who joined Thaksin's camp: Prommin Lertsuriyadej, Phumtham Vejayachai, Surapong Suebwonglee,
Chaturon Chaisang, (wasn't he just elected acting TRT's leader?)
Sutham Saengprathum, Pinij Charusombat, Adisorn Piengket and Kriengkamol Laohapairote.

Some Octoberists have been recruited to serve the new legislative body appointed by the Council for National Security. They are Gothom Areeya, Surichai Wankaeo, Sombat Thamrongthanyawong, Pinij Charusombat and Kamnoon Sittisamarn.

Nithinand Yorsaengrat, is also named an Octoberist and is a journalist.

I think Acharn Kasian paints a conflictive picture because he makes the common mistake trying to categorize these people. Limiting academic discipline also keeps one trapped in out of date vocabulary, like "ideology" and "leftist", even new generation political scientist Kanokrat can't see beyond her discipline, or was she misquoted?

Interesting also that Thongchai Winichakul, who wrote a really good book, "Siam Mapped", is Ass.Prof at University of Wisconsin, involved in the October events himself doesn't get named.

6th October

A day many choose to forget. The recent military coup certainly helped refresh its memories. Here are some links about the anniversary of a very black day in Thai history.

Added Oct. 12, Chaiwat Satha-Anand's "Hurting, haunting, hoping", a deep articulation on how violence freezes time.
Former activists mark Oct 6 bloodbath
Democratic stance torn apart by coup
TRT figures fail to attend ceremony
Charoen honoured as an 'October 6 martyr'
Army 'never back in barracks'

And a page from "The Balancing Act: A History of Modern Thailand" by Joseph J. Wright Jr.

...and so a round-the-clock vigil began on the Thammasat campus. Though the university had been closed down earlier, 4,000 determined students broke through the gates and took over the Bo Tree Courtyard and the football field. There were reports later that some of these students had smuggled in firearms which, if it were true, would seem a precaution, wisely taken or not, against the kind of violence used by Red Gaurs against defenseless marchers in the anti-American demonstrations six months earlier.

While the four thousand sat cross-legged in clusters around the campus grounds, singing their protest songs and making speeches, the capital braced itself for a reprise of Fourteen October, the anniversary of which was now just 10 days off. Counter-demonstrations began right away. A group of 400 rightists protested outside the prime minister's office, on the fourth, demanding he take a definitive stand. They stayed through the night, and their angry shouts intensified the following day, 5 October, when he announced his cabinet changes. Seni had dismissed the conservative Samak from his post as a deputy in the interior ministry, and had placed the apparently neutral Admiral Sa-ngad Chaloryu at the head of Defense.

Meanwhile, at Thammasat, a troupe of students actors staged a pivotal drama, a reenactment of the lynching two weeks before of the union men who had protested Thanom's return. On a make-shift stage in the campus courtyard, a young actor was strung up on a harness to stimulate the hanging, while others portrayed those responsible for the deed. One of the performers-the one dangling from the rope- was said by some to have borne a certain resemblance to the crown prince, an unpopular figure then among the members of the left. Soon, somehow, word got out that the play had been an act of lese majeste, an insult to the crown, in which radical leftists had hanged the king's heir apparent in effigy.

By evening a photo story about the skit had made Bangkok's front pages. Dao Sayam-a "rabid, right-wing newspaper," says Anderson -printed apparently retouched pictures of the performers, exaggerating the features of the one in question to make him look more like the prince. Then, in what seems to have been a coordinated effort, the armed forces radio network broadcast a similar version of the story and urged the citizenry to buy Dao Sayam and see for themselves.

Considering the theme of the student's skit-the murder of innocent citizen by corrupt authorities- it does not seem logical that the dramatists would have planned to make the victim, who was a sympathetic figure, look like the crown prince. In another photograph of the skit, one sees a young man in the guise of a monk - apparently Thanom- seated half-lotus style beneath the dangling "corpse". In the monk's lap is a human skull; standing guard beside him is a soldier with a Nazi arm band. Several students lay about, face-down, nearby, obviously mimicking more dead bodies, those who had fallen on fourteen October. A placard beside the tableau reads "Students, don't worry. I only want a few more corpses."

Plainly, then, the hanging figure would not have intentionally resembled the prince. It simply would not have fit in with the rest of the scene if it had.

Yet, even if this was an act of mockery against the sacred institution of the throne, it would not have justified what followed. Heeding the call of the army broadcast for "all true Thai patriots" to quash the supposed anti-monarchist demonstrations, thousands of militants, led by the Red Gaurs and other neo-fascist groups, flowed into the Thammasat area and surrounded the campus.

It was now the morning of Six October, another date which requires no mention of the year to distinguish its place in Thai history.

Perhaps sensing what was to come, the NSCT (National Student Center of Thailand) leadership left the campus, not in flight but to surrender themselves to the prime minister and try to explain the true meaning of the play before the misguided mob could carry out its intentions. The NSCT leaders left behind some two-thousand of their fellow demonstrations who had spent the night on campus as promised. By the time the students leaders arrived at Seni's office, however, it was too late.

Claiming they had been fired upon from inside the campus, police who had been shepherded the mob outside called for reinforcements. By 7:30 am the streets outside the university compound were lined by special units of the police and military, armed with machine guns, recoilless rifles, grenade and rocket launchers. The mob had by now swollen to ten thousand, and as if the police needed more help, had armed themselves with swords, clubs, and guns of their own. Suddenly police and soldiers opened fire, pouring as many as 1,000 rounds per minute in sporadic intervals into the compound. They used no tear gas. By comparison, shooting a fly with an elephant gun seemed reasonable.

They smashed through the campus gates with a dump truck and charged the cowering demonstrators inside. There must have been snipers within firing upon the invaders, as photographs do show armed soldiers and policemen hiding behind trees and walls as the civilian mob carelessly blundered through the compound. But whatever armament the students possessed could not have been enough to make a difference, for soon the demonstrators were overcome by the rabble, some trying to flee, leaping into the Chao phraya River, others trying to give themselves up. Reporter Richard Nations was there.

"I saw one university student emerge from the auditorium unarmed only to be swamped by the mob and kicked and beaten to death with bottles, mangled chairs and jagged bits of metal torn from the main gates. Other students who tried to escape were hanged from the trees outside the campus. Later, their bodies were doused in petrol and burned. At least one girl was reported to have drowned among the many who tried to swim across the river to safety."

The rampage went on for hours, as police went from building to building to flush out the students. Once outside, the demonstrators were rounded up and herded into the football field where onlookers cheered from the bleachers, waving flags, and laughing as boys and girls alike were made to strip to the waist and lie facedown on the playing field; any show of reluctance earned a rifle butt in the head. Among the sprawling mass of half-clad students, prone and paralyzed with fear, strolled policemen, kicking and beating the quivering forms as they went. At least one officer went about stripping students of any Buddha images, violently ripping chains from around their necks; he said he did so "because communists are not Buddhists," but he did not mention the amulet's gold content.

By midday, police arrested 1,700 students and carted them away to detention facilities, driving them along the way, past the mutilated corpses of their friends, strung from the trees around Sanam Luang. Their job at Thammasat done, the victorious patriots marched to government house to confront the premier.

"I did my best," a tearful Seni Pramoj told the crowd. "I tried to keep law and order in this kingdom, but if you wish, I will go."

Somehow the honor and prestige of governing the people of Thailand did not seem worth fighting over now. A dark and ugly side of a normally pleasant people had just been revealed, and the Thai elite seemed revolted by it. That evening it was announced that the military had taken over the government. No one else seemed to want it anymore.

More on pyramid of party politics

Posters and polling, two business that grew greatly with party politics.

BKK Post's COUP DEALS BIG BLOW TO POSTER MAKERS by SURASAK TUMCHAROEN

and this one (Bangkokians prefer being happy, The Nation), I thought was a silly way to use a poll. Party politics, polling = dualities that we need to escape from.

Excerpts of Prime Ministerial Order No. 65/2525 "Plan for Political Offensive"

I found this is the appendix of Suchit Bunbongkarn's "The Military in Thai Politics, 1981-86", printed by ISEAS, 1987. This was a government paper signed by then Prime Minister Prem Tinasulanonda in 1982, so possibly a number of people were involved in its drafting. What I found interesting was how it categorized "pressure groups and interest groups" as "economic groups, the masses, progressive groups, and mass media". An extensive quote, but it needed all its elements together:

1. Principles and Rationale

1.1. Pursuant to the Prime Ministerial order No. 66/2523 of 23 April 1980 pertaining to the policy "Struggle to Win Over Communism" which required that the "Struggle to Win Over Communism be completed within a short period of time by conducting a continuous political offensive", the Cabinet on 20 April 1982 endorsed the recommendations put forward by the Committee on the Policy to Struggle to Win Over Communism concerning a "Plan for Political Offensive", and hereby ordered by Government agencies concerned to follow the guidelines laid out in this plan as well as other plans which the Committee may add in the future to complement it.

1.2. The important factor in the struggle to win over communism and destroy all forms of authoritarianism (totalitarianism) is the development of democracy. The people desire that the nation becomes democratic under the leadership of the monarchy, but because the political development towards democracy has been delayed and is full of shortcomings, the communists have used these conditions as the basis for a propaganda campaign to compete for the people's loyalty. However, the "democracy" spoken of by the communists is only a tactic to win over the state so that eventually a conversion can be made to socialism and communism. Therefore, better and true democracy, both strategically and tactically speaking, must be developed within a short period of time. The personnel who will be the main instrument for achieving this task, are to be government officials in every agency as well as ordinary people with idealism who are prepared to co-operate to bring about a model democracy in our society.

2. Objectives and Policy

2.1 To promote true faith and understanding that sovereignty rests with the people.

2.2 To create a balance between individual freedom and this collective sovereignty.

2.3 To destroy all forms of authoritarianism and form a democratic society under the leadership of the monarchy and based on the guidelines of democratic beliefs.

3. Operational Framework

An organizational unit composed of government officials and idealistic ordinary people as core members is to be created to direct the campaign. This unit is to be responsible for safeguarding the people's interests, creating true democracy and fulfilling the basic needs and desires of the people by:

3.1 Enabling the people to live in happiness and security, both personal and material, free from exploitation and repressive influences.

3.2 Enabling the people to live with honor and dignity, and to participate in and lead political processes, for they are the owners of the country.

3.3 Enabling the people to live with hope and faith in their faith in their future and their nation's security.

4.Operational Guidelines

4.1 The task of developing democracy has two parts: one is to promote faith and understanding that sovereignty rests with the people by destroying authoritarian power and influences from the local to the national level, and the other is to promote individual freedom by making laws which are laws. Due to the existence of many constraints such as resources and laws which must be amended or annulled, this task cannot be accomplished completely in a short period of time, but should be done in continuous stages with a full awareness of the special characteristics of Thai society and contextual limitations...

4.2 In addition to the operational guidelines laid down by Order 66/2533 of 23 April 1980, the following operational guidelines are to be followed:

4.2.1 Faith in the value of democracy... must be promoted by disseminating and improving knowledge of democracy both in theory and in application; providing true information about the prevailing situation; educating the mass media which are to act as an instrument for transmitting correct knowledge and understanding of democracy to the public at large; and ensuring that governmental officials conduct themselves in an exemplary and democratic manner.

4.2.2 The discharging of their respective responsibilities according to democratic principles by all state mechanisms must be accelerated at two levels. At the highest level of decision-making which involves politicians, political parties and top administrators... policies must be laid down clearly, positively and coherently to solve the nation's fundamental problems... strong and decisive response must be made to cope with day-to-day problems as they develop in accordance with principles of justice and interests of the people as a whole; opportunity must be made open for others such as academics, mass media, interest groups and various experts or specialists to partake in solving of such problems... The bureaucracy as a whole must be improved to strengthen the conditions for creating and developing democracy, and bureaucrats must be made to develop a conscience and sense of duty together which idealism to be responsive to the people in a responsible way, strictly to enforce the law and bring justice for one and all... At the level of civil servants, improvements must be accelerated because all civil servants, have an important role in putting into practice the national policy but at the moment are still lacking in the sense of duty and idealism necessary to promote popular sovereignty and generate respect for the law. All civil servants are to ... search for sources of a remedy for corruption ... discharge their duties and responsibilities strictly ... and within limits ... prevent fellow civil servants from acting as lords and masters of the people and exploiting them, and at the same time bring to justice those who break rules... (In addition) the bureaucratic system must be reformed and decentralized, delegating power and responsibility towards regions and localities..., and sufficient salary and welfare must be provided for all civil servants, especially those at junior levels, so they can uphold their own honor and dignity.

4.2.3 Popular participation in political activities must be promoted to enable the people to have more practicle experience which can serve to strengthen their attachment to an understanding of the principles of popular sovereignty. This must be done by involving the people in activities near their places of residence such as in the tambol councils, village committees and co-operatives ...; encouraging the use of political parties as a means of promoting their own interests at the national or local level in accordance with the principles of democracy...

4.2.4 Activities of pressure groups and interest groups must be regulated. Pressure and interest groups can act either to reinforce or to obstruct the development of democracy. Therefore, to ensure that their role be a constructive one and to deter any such group from hindering this development, their activities must be regulated in the following ways:

Economic Groups Because Thailand has a liberal economic system but its state mechanisms for mobilizing resources and distributing benefits are still weak, some economic groups have been able to take advantage to build up monopolistic power which inflicts social injustice and material hardship on the people, creating conditions for war. Moreover, some of these monopolistic groups have been able to develop great political bargaining power which is an obstacle in the development of democracy. Although it is vital to regulate these groups, the process of regulating them should be taken step by step and in accordance with the law ... The guidelines for cutting down the monopolistic power of the economic groups are: accelerated enforcement of the law against any violation by business; use of strict legal measures to guard against any violation by business; use of strict legal measures to guard against and destroy monopolistic power; enhancing among traders and capitalists the feeling of social responsibility and commitment towards the collective interest of the nation, by commending those with a social conscience, education, and opening up opportunities for participation in solving problems caused by their peers, and use of appropriate monetary, fiscal, legal and administrative measures on business, industry and commerce to bring about a distribution of economic benefits among the people at large.

The Masses. Workers and farmers are important in that they form the crucial foundation for Thailand's revolution and are targets for competition among political groups including the communists. Therefore, to prevent opposition groups from winning over them, to save them from being victims of communist propaganda and to generate their support for the development of democracy, the following guidelines for action should be taken. Support should be given to mass organizations which are truly democratic to prevent their leadership from falling into the hands of opposition groups. Leadership of mass organizations should be won over to destroy the subversive power of the communists within these organizations. A political environment conducive to mass political activities based on the principles of democracy should be created and encouraged.

Students. Students are a special group which has high political awareness and seeks democracy and social justice. However, because their experience is limited, they are targets for communist groups and used as a part of the united front constructed by the latter. Therefore, to utilize students as a force for democracy and to prevent them from becoming tactical tools of communists as well as other authoritarian groups, the following guidelines for action should be taken. Freedom should be given to students to conduct all their activities, including political activities, which are within the law and the regulations laid down by their academic institutions. Students' activities geared towards the development of democracy be incorporated in the syllabus at every level of education and appropriate textbooks prepared by academics as standard of references for the future.

Progressive Groups. There are now many groups which have become more politically active in urban areas, including those who have returned from the "jungle", various progressives, communists, united fronts and other democratic groups. To ensure that their activities be kept within bounds imposed by national security considerations and contribute towards the development of democracy, the following guidelines for action should be taken. Opportunities should be given to all groups to put forward ideas and suggestions within the limits of the Constitution and law. Strong democratic movements should be encouraged in accordance with the Prime Ministerial Order No. 66/2523 dated 23 April, 1980. Leadership of Progressive ideas should be won over. Activities of those groups which constitute a threat to national security and the development of democracy should be closely and continuously observed and obstructed.

Mass Media. The media can act either to promote or to destroy democracy. Therefore, to ensure that they are constructive for democracy, the following guidelines of action should be taken. Members of the mass media who have democratic ideas should be commended and given support and special responsibility in providing new conducive to the development of democracy encouraged. Campaigns to use ideas as a means of promoting democracy by the mass media should be supported. The government's mass media organizations should be used to promote democracy and counteract news which cause its destruction. News which have adverse impact on the democratic system should be curtailed by executive as well as legal measures.

Armed Forces and Formation. They should have a correct understating of democracy and support and preserve this system.

27 May BE 2525
(27 May 1982)

(Signed) General Prem Tinsulanond
Prime Minister

The source quoted for this plan wasISIS Bulletin.

The First Constitution and the First Political Movie

The First Constitution and the First Political Movie
an essay in thaicinema.org

People's Assembly in Thailand

"As a member of 1960s generation, I grew up in the midst of the search for the meaning of life...."

Words from a soulmate I never met. Read more from this link:
Quest for a sustaining energy for societal change

from Chaiwat Thirapantu

Military coup of 1932

Here's a page from David K. Wyatt's "Thailand: A Short History", (Silk Worm Books, 1982/84) an account of the 1932 coup:

"It was accomplshed by a handful of conspirators with a few hundred troops and involved only one casualty. It succeeded initially on surprise and bluff, then on the Promoters' holding of princely hostages, and finally on the sanction conferred by royal approval - all of this taking only a few hours. The public was not even aware of what was happening until it was all over, and before noon on June 24, the life of Bangkok and Siam was proceeding normaly, but with new leaders at its top.

The 114 Promoters of the 1932 coup could not have succeeded as they did if they had not included in their ranks a small number of senior military men, whose membership in the group lent it credibility. It may perhaps also suggest the extent to which officials had begun to lose faith in the old order. These men, indeed, were relatively conservative, certainly compared with the youthful left-leaning civilians led by Pridi Phanomyong. It was they who dominated the first constitutional regimes until the late 1930s. The most important of these were Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena (Phot Phahonyothin) and Phraya Songsuradet (Thep Panthumsen), both colonels by 1932. Phraya Song held a top post at the military academy in Bangkok, which gave the conspirators access to a broad range of contacts and an increasingly indoctrinated cadet corps. His tactical genius made it possible to neutralize a strong army and government with a handful of troops. Phraya Phahon was distinguised by a personal integrity that made him acceptable to all factions of the Promoters as the leader of the People's party.

Having induced the king to recognize and validate their actions, the Promoters undertook to organize a government under a provisional constitution of June 27. In order to minimize internal resistance and avoid the dangers of foriegn intervention that they thought civil strife might invite, the Promoters initially stayed in the background, though they were still firmly in control. The long-term political program drawn up at the time by Pridi envisaged a three-stage process of political development. The first stage had now begun, with the adoption of a provisional constitution establishing an Assembly of seventy members appointed by the Promoters and a smaller People's Committee drawn from and responsible to it. A second stage was to begin within six months under a constitution similar to that drafted for Prajadhipok in March, with a half appointed and half indirectly elected National Assembly. A third stage of full representative government was to be inaugurated when half the population had completed primary education or within ten years, whichever came first. The general framework was defined in terms of the political leadership and tutelage of the People's party.

This party had as yet no mass membership or following, nor had it even substantial control over the army, so the first government it constituted displayed at least the facade of wide support. The first National Assembly included in its membership numerous senior officials, including some chaophraya of the old regime, amounting to about one-third of the total membership. The president of the Assembly was Chaophraya Thammasakmontri (M.R.W. Sanan Thephastsadin), a former minister of education. On the People's Committee, which handled the day-to-day administration of the governement, there were eleven promoters, including the leaders of their four chief factions, and four senior officals. Of the latter, the most important were Phraya Maopakonnithithada (Kon Hutasing), a respected judge of the Court Appeals, and Phraya Sri Wisarn Waja, former undersecretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and adviser to King Prajadhipok. Phray Sri Wisarn was the new foreign minister, and Phraya Mano became prime minister and minister of finance.

Meanwhile to consolidate their power while experienced hands ran the government, the People's party reorganized the army and navy to put their men in key positions and began trying to build a popular constituency. They quickly discovered that the first course was much easier than the latter, that people would not attend rallies and demonstrations unless ordered to do so, and that many now seeking to join their ranks were motivated by desire for jobs in the new government. The lack of dependable popular support clearly became evident within a few months. It left the young civilian faction within the People's party at a severe disadvantage in competing the influence with the military and with senior civilians with the bureacratic experience and networks of connections within the elite.

Once the permanent constitution of December 10, 1932, came into force the conflicts and competition latent within the ruling coalition began to erupt."

More about factions in the Thai military coming up later.

Tanks in the name of democracy

Why do the Thai military think they have a right in politics? They gave the people democracy with their coup of June 24, 1932. A constitution was drafted and we became a constitutional monarchy. "Protector of democracy" has been their slogan ever since.

I wonder how long it will take for people holding guns to realize that those guns will never be able to give equality and freedom. How can they be so deaf and blind to the fact that in our collective memories, when guns and people stood against each other lives were lost, always. The Thai people giving flowers and food to the soldiers? Isn't that how they appease powerful spirits?

Factions and politics

Aahhh...the familiar make and break of pyramids in Thailand:

Somsak leads 100 members to resign from Thai Rak Thai
Sonthaya and Chonburi faction resign from TRT
Suranand leaves Thai Rak Thai
Surakiart resigns from Thai Rak Thai Party

All in a rush to (pardon the language) save their asses.

Last time we had a "good" general at the helm:

General Prem's coalition government lasted 6 years (1981-87), two elections and a couple of parliamentary dissolutions resulting in the five cabinets listed below.

1st Prem Cabinet (3 March, 1980-11 March, 1981)

Coalition partners: Social Action Party, Chart Thai, Democrat, Chart Prachachon and Siam Democrat
Major opposition: Prachakorn Thai

2nd Prem Cabinet (11 Mar 1981- 8 Dec 1981)

Coalition Partners: Democrat, Chart Thai and a number of smaller parties including Siam Democrat, Ruam Thai and Social Democrat
Major oppposition: Social Action and Prachakorn Thai

3rd Prem Cabinet (9 Dec 1981-30 Apr 1983)

Coalition Partners: Social Acion, Democrat, Chart thai and a number of smaller parties
Major opposition: Prachkorn Thai

4th Prem Cabinet (30 Apr 1983-11 Aug 1986)

Colatition partners: Social Action, Democrat, Prachakorn Thai and National Democrat (replaced by the Progressive party in Sep 1985)
Major opposition: Chart Thai
(In Jan 1986, there was a reshuffle within the Social Action Party for its allocated quota of cabinet seats)

5th Prem Cabinet (11 August, 1986-28 April, 1988)

Coalition partners: Democrat, Chart Thai, Social Action, Rasadorn
Major opposition: Prachakorn Thai, United Democratic, Ruam Thai, Community Action, Progressive

Source: "The Military in Thai Politics, 1981-1986", by Suchit Bunbongkarn, published by the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1987.

Taksin's politics wiped out nearly all political party alternatives, co-opting them all into TRT. At this moment, we don't have strong enough groups of representative of diverse voices to enter the parliamentary system as we had back then. Without a constitution and with the ban on political gathering, it would be difficult for any alternative political groups to be built in time to run competitively in upcoming elections.

On censorship

Lots of talk about this now, here's an eye opener:

Censorship

"Censorship exists to some extent in all modern countries, including the U.S.A., the U.K., Germany, France, Singapore, Australia and New Zealand."

Serendiptiy

There's a lot to read on that website, good for critics who love to criticize. Even shutdowns of antiwar websites. How's that for freedom of speech in the land of "democracy"?

Here's some good (rather extensive) reading on freedom of expression. FEPP

And lastly, this is what Thailand needs: Media Literacy: An Alternative to Censorship, and since we change constitutions and governments so often, we might have the capacity to jump into it naturally. Hah, hah, hah? :)

Keeping an eye on the new constitution

The Nation (Oct. 1) posted the coup leader's Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand (Interim Edition) of B.E. 2549. I would like to urge all Thai bloggers to carefully study, keep a critical eye, and participate actively on its development. Here is the National Assembly's page providing the articles of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand. B.E. 2534 (1991)

The Interim Edition seems to have an emphasis on the structure of the National Asssembly, limiting the number of total representatives (MP, senate and parliament) to only 250. Why such a specific and limited number? Under the 1991 Consitution and Taksin government we had 500 MPs and 200 senators. The age limit of 35, I think was not specified before. I remember that Aphisit Vejjajiva became an MP when he was around 27.

The worst of Interim's proposal is this clause of Article 7:

"The president of the Council of National Security will countersign the royal command to appoint members of the National Assembly, president and vice president(s) of the National Assembly."

Notice that it's the Council of the National Security which is what the coup leaders are now, how democratic is that?

What I would like to see in the new constitutions a a guarantee/protection for the freedom of speech, and a provision recognizing of civil society organizations' place in all of this, maybe allowing an observer status in the parliament, and a secondary process where they are allowed to bring about political change. While we're at it, let's broaden the base for politcal participation, no?

Vicious Cycle of Thai Politics

I think Bangkok Pundit was looking for this "vicious cycle":

However, he attributed it to Dr. Chai-anan Samudavanija. The above diagram came from Likhit Dhiravegin's book (Thai Politics: Selected Aspects of Development and Change) printed in 1985. To quote Prof. Likhit's explaination of the cycle,

"After a coup ws successfully staged, the coup leaders would be in control for a period. Then a constitution would be promulgated out of political pressure, to be followed by an election. This could be interpreted as giving democracy a try or to give in to demands for an open system. After the election, a parliament would be in session with a government to be set up. then conflict would occur and solution would not be avilable turning the whole process into confusion. It would reach a crisis which would render the government immobilized. In the state of near chaos, a military seizure of power in a coup would take place. Thus the process is complete after a while, the system would again be let loose by the promulgation of a constitution and so on."

Prof. Likhit lists the conflicts that could not be resolved within the democratic framework that would lead the the crisis as follows:

1. Coflict over power.
2. Conflict over policy.
3. Conflict between the new and the old element.
4. Conflicts between military factions.
5. Conflict between the military and the police.

I would however, diverge from the image of a cycle to represent what happens in Thai politics. I think that a Bhuddist imagery of spirals may be more fitting. When you look down on a spiral flat it looks like a circle going round and round and going nowhere. But if you look at the circle from another dimension, you see the spiral and realize it actually moves. Conflict and chaos sometimes aren't bad. They are signs of an open, alive system. How many countries are there that the people have this much contribution in changing their constitution?

Counting the coups of Thailand

I've heard different numbers quoted, some said we had 17 coups since Thailand became a constitutional democracy, some said 20, so I decided to look it up and see if I can tell this story properly, just to help overcome the short memory syndrome we seem to have as a nation. I"m probably the worst one of all with a short memory syndrome, : )

Luckily the orality of the internet makes up for that.

Anyway, one of the books I've been digging into is Likhit Dhiravegin's Thai Politics: Selected Aspects of Development and Change.

According to this book, only between 1938-1947 and between 1951-1957 was the country spared from either a successful coup or an unsuccessful coup, which was termed a rebellion.

Between 1938-1947, there was the intervention of World War II. The Japanese forces which marched through Thailand plus the strong rule of Field Marshall Pibulsongkram (1951-1957) brought about political stability.

In Thai political culture, it seems that "a strongman is almost synonymous with political stability". How sad.

What shocked me was not the number of coups we had (which seems to be about 13, someone please help me count exactly how many there were...). Well, it was the number of years the Thai nation was led by dictators (I think some older generataion might argue that there was one or two benevolent ones there.)

The total years of non-elected military appointed Prime Ministers since 1932 was 33 years. In 64 years, we've had 33 years of non-democratic rule.

Two periods of dictators seems to stand out markedly, that of Field Marshall P. Phibulsongkram, who had two terms of non-elected rule, nearly 16 years in total.

I remember my mother telling me a few stories about how he organized society back then. Two stood out, there was one about the ancient trees on Wireless Road that were razed down because his son was killed when his car rammed into one tree. The other story was about how he imposed a dress code so that the people can look modern.

Then there was the period of the most hated dictators: Sarit-Thanom who killed thousands of students between 1973-1976 in Sanam Luang. I was very young and living abroad at that time. I remember my dad calling me to the TV to watch the news about Thailand. The terrible feelings of sadness of that moment was burnt into my memory. When we eventually came back to Thailand, my friends and family had stories to tell about friends and family who died or whose lives were marked during that time. My parents came from Sakolnakorn, what was marked then the red area, "Communist" stronghold and hideout of those students that fled into the forest. My mom to this day is full of stories how good people sincerely wanting to improve the social conditions were labeled by people who were threatened by their vision and prosecuted as communists. I have a strong suspicion that what goes on in the South now is not much different.

Anyway, excuse me for my rambling. But here's the list of PM and coups put together.

PM Phraya Manopakorn Nitithada (Mano) period: June 1932-June 1933, tenure- 1 yr

Coup no. 1: June 20, 1933 (Khana Ratpraharn - coup)

PM Col. Phraya Paholpolpayuhasena (Pahol) Military, June 1933- Dec.1938, tenure: 5 yrs, 5 mths, 23 days

Coup no. 2: October 11, 1933 (Kabot Boworadej - rebellion)

Coup no. 3: August 3, 1935 (Kabot Naisip- rebellion)

Coup no. 4: January 29. 1938 (Kabot Praya Songsuradej- rebellion)

PM Field Marshall P. Pibulsongkram, Military, Dec. 1938-Jul 1944, tenure: 5 yrs, 11 mths, 11 days
PM Khuang Aphaiwong, Civillian, Aug 1944-Aug 1945, tenure: 1 yr, 6 mnths, 17 days
PM Tawee Boonyaket Civilian, Aug 1945-Sep 1945 , tenure: 17 days
PM M.R. Seni Pramoj , Civilian, Sep 1945-Jan1946, tenure: 10 mths, 13 days
PM Khuang Aphaiwong, Civilian, Jan. 1946-Mar.1946, tenure: 3 months
PM Pridi Panomyong, Civilian, March 1946-Aug 1946, tenure: 4 mths, 17 days
PM R. Admiral Tawan Thamrongnavasawat, Military, Aug 1946-Nov 1947, tenure: 1 yr, 2 mths, 18 days

Coup No. 5: November 8, 1947 (Khana Ratprahar-coup)

PM Kuang Aphaiwong, Civilian, Nov. 1947-April1948, tenure 6 months

Coup No. 6: October 1, 1948 (Kabot Senathikarn-rebellion)

PM Field Marshall P. Phibulsongkram (Pibul), Military, April, 1948-Sep. 1957, tenure: 9 1/2 years

Coup No. 7: February 26, 1949 (Kabot Wangluang-rebellion)

Coup No. 8: June 29. 1951 (Kabot Manhatton-rebellion)

Coup No. 9: November 29, 1951 (Khana Ratpraharn-coup)

Coup No. 10: September 16, 1957 (Khana Ratpraharn-coup)

PM Pote Sarasin, civilian, Sep 1957-Jan. 1958, tenure: 4 months
PM Gen. Thanom Kittikachorn Jan 1958-Oct 1958, tenure: 9 months
PM Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat Feb 1959-Dec 1963, tenure: 4 3/4 years
PM Field Marshal Thanom Kittikachorn, Dec 1963-Feb1969, tenure: 6 1/6 years, and Feb. 1969-Nov 1971, 2 3/4 years, and Nov. 1971-Oct.1973, 2 years


by john_glines

Dictators were brought down by student uprising. Wikipedia article on "The 1973 democracy movement"

PM Sanya Dharmasakti, (14 October 1973 - 26 February 1975)
PM Seni Pramoj, (26 February - 14 March 1975) (2nd time)
PM Kukrit Pramoj, (14 March 1975 - 20 April 1976)
PM Seni Pramoj, (20 April - 6 October 1976) (3rd time)
PM Tanin Kraivixien, installed by the military (8 October 1976 - 20 October 1977)

Coup No. 11: October, 1977.

PM General Kriangsak Chomanan, appointed (12 November 1977 - 3 March 1980)
PM General Prem Tinsulanonda, appointed (3 March 1980 - 4 August 1988)
PM General Chatichai Choonhavan, elected (4 August 1988 - 23 February 1991)

Coup No. 12: February, 1991.

PM Anand Panyarachun, appointed, civilian (7 March 1991 - 7 April 1992) (1st time)
PM General Suchinda Kraprayoon, military, (7 April - 24 May 1992)
PM Meechai Ruchuphan, 24 May 1992 - 10 June 1992 (acting)
PM Anand Panyarachun, appointed(10 June - 23 September 1992) (2nd time)
PM Chuan Leekpai, elected (23 September 1992 - 13 July 1995) (1st time)
PM Banharn Silpa-Archa, elected, (13 July 1995 - 1 December 1996)
PM General Chavalit Yongchaiyudh, elected (1 December 1996 - 9 November 1997)
PM Chuan Leekpai, elected, (9 November 1997 - 9 February 2001) (2nd time)
PM Thaksin Shinawatra, elected. (9 February 2001 - 19 September 2006)
Acting PM Chitchai Wannasathit, 5 April - 23 May 2006 (acting for Thaksin)

Coup No. 13: September, 2006

Information Sources about Thai Politics

Anyone with good research capabilities should be able to compile what I'm attempting to do, but it's good for me to collect my llinks in one place. I'm not attempting to include all possible sources, just those I've found worth looking at (with a personal bias.)

1. A friend called me within a few hours when the coup occured. That has a lot to say for the role of communication, and how interconnected we really are. Friends and family's opinion will always reveal how well a political situation is received by the people (isn't that what democracy is supposed to be?)

2. I read the "The Nation". They've been posting news fast and furious since the beginning. I couldn't get into the website of Bangkok Post at the high point of it all. They must have a really bad server.

3. I rely on 2bangkok.com to supply me with pictures, thier links are really good. Thai-Blogs.com also gives me some pretty grassroots pictures, but they are happily not a political blog.

4. I've subscribed to google news alert, so that I can scan the headlines. Of course, you need a trained eye and sense to know which sources are worth reading. Reuters was the first to get a good article out. I thinks I've read some I've found Bloomberg to be pretty good too. Because I'm in Canada, I read some ctv.ca articles. Others that are good writes are Associated Press, Asia Times, International Herald Tribune, Washington Post. I can read Thai, but my dyslexic and add tendencies just won't let me. I rely on my Thai friends to regurgitate those for me, quite a lot of the news can be speculations, guessing and spins.

5. Then I google for bloggers and add them to my Bloglines aggregator.

6. I've also found out that Wikipedia has jumped up in terms of the quantity and quality with pages on Thailand. Most notable, there is Thailand Political Crisis 2005-2006, 2006 Thailand Coup d'Etat.

On the Wake of the Thaksin Dream

After just about two days of jubilence, getting off the phone from a depressed friend who was pro-Thaksin, I sobered up and started to ask questions. I remembered how we had to stop talking politics with this group of people who were pro-Thaksin because it became like a religious obsession to defend him, no matter whether it made sense or not. I was just ardent in criticising the man whether it made sense or not too. Since Sonthi Limthongkul's campaign against Thaksin, we had become a divided community in political beliefs even if our community was small and distant, its health depending on our ability to communicate well with each other. (We are living in Canada, far away and physically unable to take any kind of action for our political beliefs.)

Feelings of compassion for my depressed friend and the nagging feeling that this was not right that we've forsaken friendship and community for the sake of politics. That I felt was the worst that Thaksin's politics gave us.

I called a family member who would be out of a job because of the coup. He said, so who else have we got to lead the country? Are we going to continuously fall into this vicious cycle of coups and elections?

Sure I agree with the majority that the coup helped us come out of a deadlock, but before the coup actually happened, my real feeling towards the coup was "Come on, any coup at this point of history is definitely a backward step we want to avoid."

So I dug up all my politcal books, and re-read what I knew about Thai politics, searching for the answer to the big question in my head, "What was it about us Thais, as a group of people, where we must follow the leader?" We craved heroes. In 2001, Thaksin was a hero to me too, just as some 20 million Thais in the rural parts of Thailand.

BTW, this is a thoughtful article about these feelings. " ("Ex-Thai Leader Won Support Via Handouts", By ALISA TANG/The Associated Press/Saturday, September 23, 2006; 4:57 PM)"

I think, we've come to the point that as individuals, we Thais need to think about how we approach democracy, how we can take a role in preventing another hero worship as happened from 2001-2006 to happen within our psyche, and within the political arena.

I do strongly believe that we are a vibrant democratic nation, even before constitutional/electoral democracy was given to us in 1932. When I look back into Thai history, I cannot help but feel proud of all the institutions that were put into place bit by bit to expand people's participation. Sure some of it came by blood, but which other countries in the world did it not come about that way? Why are we to be condemned for working it out our own way? That last question, I hope I've imparted passionately enough to my depressed friend to wake her up from passively accepting the pressures she felt from her western colleagues.